Performance Analysis Fantasy in C Major, Op. 15 (D. 760) (“Wanderer” Fantasy) Essay Example

Performance Analysis: Fantasy in C Major, Op. 15 (D. 760) (â€Å"Wanderer† Fantasy) Paper Performance Analysis: Fantasy in C Major, Op. 15 (D. 760) (â€Å"Wanderer† Fantasy) Schubert composed the Fantasy in C Major (â€Å"Wanderer† Fantasy) in 1822. This fantasy became a milestone in music history because it was the first time when a composer â€Å"integrated a four-movement sonata into a single movement. † Schubert did so by matching the sequence of a traditional four-movement sonata (Allegro, Adagio, Scherzo, Finale) to one big sonata form (exposition, development, recapitulation, coda). This exploration opened a new era of composing romantic music because it created an expanded form with more freedom in theme. Composers in this way were granted more freedom to compose based on their personal imagination and to compose with more virtuosity. The Fantasy in C Major got its nickname after one of Schubert’s biographers, August Reissmann, discovered the theme in Adagio came from an earlier song of Schubert, Der Wanderer (D. 493). The dactylic â€Å"wanderer† theme in Adagio becomes a major focus for performers because it is the cyclic theme for the whole Fantasy. More importantly, how performers phrase this poetic melody reflect their different stylistic approaches. Ever since 1823 when the Fantasy was published, this work was famous for its virtuosity that even Schubert himself broke down in the last movement when he was performing in front of his friends and announced, â€Å"Let the devil play the stuff! † Traditionally, the Wanderer Fantasy is considered as a virtuoso showpiece for performers and often appears in live performances. This makes the general approach to this work pretty much â€Å"straight† and modern. Performances of this piece were usually characterized by steady tempi and continuing legato, which fill into the category of mainstream modern style. We will write a custom essay sample on Performance Analysis: Fantasy in C Major, Op. 15 (D. 760) (â€Å"Wanderer† Fantasy) specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Performance Analysis: Fantasy in C Major, Op. 15 (D. 760) (â€Å"Wanderer† Fantasy) specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Performance Analysis: Fantasy in C Major, Op. 15 (D. 760) (â€Å"Wanderer† Fantasy) specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer Performers of this piece generally â€Å"excel in technical detail† as â€Å"strait† players. Among them, Maurizio Pollini’s recording in 1974 is a good example of modern â€Å"strait† playing. Pollini started every part of the Fantasy with a reasonable tempo and kept the tempo steady for each part. In Allegro, Pollini started with a quarter note equals to 130 and pretty much kept this tempo throughout the Allegro section. The few exceptions was in bar 61 and from bar 181 to the end where he slowed down to around 98. Pollini would not speed up in crescendos. One of the examples was from bar 14 to 16 (see Example 1) where the dynamic changed from piano to fortissimo. Pollini kept the tempo steady while making the dynamic change as accurate as possible. The wide range of dynamic produced by Pollini’s touch of the piano enables him to play musically impressive without yielding to the tempo. In one of the reviews from Gramophone, Joan Chissell praised Pollini’s playing as â€Å"not a single note that has not been precisely weighed, colored and fitted into its context† and a â€Å"faithful reproduction of Schubert’ written text. This proved Pollini’s modern â€Å"straight† approach to this piece, as well as many other modern performers. Recorded two years earlier than Pollini’s recording, Alfred Brendel made a splendid modern recording with more flexibility in tempi. Brendel started the Allegro with a quarter note equals to 155 comparing to Pollini’s 130. When the dactylic theme appears for the second time at bar 18, Brendel slowed down to a quarter note equals 128, making the theme both rhythmically and dynamically different from the beginning. The climax begins at bar 132 where Brendel eventually speeded up to around 158. Pollini, by contrast, stayed around 128. By making these contrasting tempi changes in Allegro, Brendel prepared us for a dramatic contrast between Allegro and Adagio. Pollini started on an eighth note equals 67 from the beginning of Adagio and reached the top of his speed by the end of bar 21 where an eighth note equals around 95. Brendel, who started at 59 from the beginning, reached up to 112 at bar 22 and slowed down to 75 when the wanderer theme reoccurred at bar 27. For this wanderer theme, Brendel also stretched the tempi to phrase the melody poetically. He speeded up from bar 31 and reached 90 at bar 33 before he slowed down to around 64 at bar 35 (see Example 2). But still, Brendel’s performance shares modern â€Å"strait† characteristics with Pollini’s recording because of its accuracy from the text. It was more difficult to find recordings earlier than the 1950s, but recordings from Walter Rehberg, Edwin Fischer, Vladimir Sofronitzky and Elly Ney proved that earlier approaches to the Wanderer Fantasy were somewhat different. Their practices of this piece were marked by agogic accent, rhythmic nuance, in a way with more freedom from the romantic approach and less accuracy from the â€Å"straight† playing. The recording Walter Rehberg made in 1927 started with a quarter note equals 158 and slowed down to an eighth note equals to 55 in Adagio. Not only the range for tempo rubato was wider, but there were also agogic accent and rhythmic nuance in his playing. An example would be at bar 32 in Allegro, where Rehberg created an agogic accent by letting the chord on right hand appear slightly later (Example 3). In Adagio, Rehberg spread out some chords from bar 9 to bar 17 to emphasis the melody (Example 4). The arpeggiated chord was a trait of romantic practice and was shared by Edwin Fischer in his recording in 1934. Fischer spread out every chord as an accent on sforzando from bar 165 to 176 in Allegro (Example 5). Fischer also did not follow every dynamic mark on the score. Instead of starting with fortissimo in Presto, Fischer played a piano. This occurred at bar 277 as well and it proved to be Fischer’s interpretation, not mistake (Example 6). Early recordings from live performances also indicated that earlier approaches to this piece sometimes could be not always following the score. Elly Ney did a truly amazing job when she performed this piece in her eighties. In Allegro she played many notes in staccatos, not as the score indicated but created a light joyful feeling. For example, from bar 112 to 130, she played the right hand melody under the slur in staccatos (Example 7). Vladimir Sofronitsky also made a recording from his live performance in 1953. Started from bar 307 in Scherzo, Sofronitsky changed the notes and dynamic by resting at beat three in both measures 307 and 308 and stopped after measure 308. Then he started measure 309 from pianissimo and made incalzando to the forzando in measure 320 (Example 8). This might have been a cover-up for a mistake during a concert but it added color to the performance. Every performance is different not merely based on various interpretations. Sometimes a little accident happened during a live performance might force the performer to make an interpretation decision which in this case brought some mystery in Sofronitsky’s approach. That is why going to a concert is more exciting than hearing a studio recorded and edited, â€Å"perfect† version. In general, the earlier approach to Wanderer Fantasy was less rigid in getting everything on the score technically correct and accurate. However people would get to hear more different personal interpretation because these performances were so unpredictable. More recent, musicians tried to combine both accuracy and freedom in their performances. Lang Lang made an experiment with the Wanderer Fantasy in his live performance in 2003. Lang Lang’s playing was brilliant with his accuracy, however he might be a little bit off the line by exaggerating stretches in tempi to emphasis his â€Å"expressive† playing in romantic repertories. He slowed down so much in the beginning of Adagio as an eighth note equals to 44, even slower than Fischer’s 48. As for the wanderer theme, Lang Lang started normally with 78 at bar 27, however when it came to bar 31 where usually other performers speed up, Lang Lang slowed down to 63 (Example 2). This was kind of eccentric whether compare to Pollini’s â€Å"straight† playing or the earlier more romantic approach. By the end of Adagio, starting with bar 54, he slowed down to a 44 where Pollini kept 71 for an eighth note (Example 9). With this tempo and the right hand melody fading away, Lang Lang tried to phrase the left hand where here the left hand was really supposed to be just accompaniment. Lang Lang’s case indicated that knowing the limits of freedom to interpret musical works would help musicians express their ideas better. In learning these great recordings over time we can see how performance traditions changed and how this change affects future musicians. Like many other musical works, the Fantasy in C Major will always be an important work in music history not only because its’ unique structure but also because it challenges musicians to play and interpret according to their own performance tradition. As long as this work is still being performed and appreciated by people, this great fantasy will continue its glory in the world of music. Bibliography Arnold, Denis and Lalage Cochrane. fantasia. The Oxford Companion to Music, edited by Alison Latham. Oxford Music Online. http://www. oxfordmusiconline. com/subscriber/article/opr/t114/e2413. Brown, Maurice J. E. â€Å"Schuberts Wanderer Fantasy. † The Musical Times 92, no. 1306 (Dec. , 1951): 540-542. http://www. jstor. org Field, Christopher D. S. et al. Fantasia. Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online. http://www. oxfordmusiconline. om/subscriber/article/grove/music/40048. Haynes, Bruce. Mainstream Style (Chops, but No Soul). The End of Early Music: A Period Performers History of Music for the Twenty-First Century. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2007. Chissell, Joan. Review of Schubert, Wanderer Fantasy, Maurizio Pollini, piano. Gramophone, (January 1975): 92. http://www. gramophone. net. Schubert, Franz. Fantasy C Major â€Å"Wanderer-Fantasie† (D 760). Edited for the first time from the autograph; with fingering added by Paul Badura-Skoda. Wien:  Wiener Urtext Edition,  1973. Schubert, Franz. Fantasy in C, op. 15, D. 760 (Wanderer Fantasy). Alfred Brendel, piano. Recorded November 1971. CD: Philips 420 664-2. 1989. Schubert, Franz. Fantasy in C, op. 15, D. 760 (Wanderer Fantasy). Anthony Goldstone, piano. Recorded 1999-2000. The Piano Masterworks. Vol. 1. South Shields, England: Divine Art 809730120220. CD: 2001. Schubert, Franz. Fantasy in C, op. 15, D. 760 (Wanderer Fantasy). Arthur Rubinstein, piano. Recorded in 1965. CD: BMG 09026-63054-2. 1999. Schubert, Franz. Fantasy in C, op. 15, D. 760 (Wanderer Fantasy). Edwin Fischer, piano. Recorded on 22-24 May 1934. CD: ADD APR 5515. 1996. Schubert, Franz. Fantasy in C, op. 15, D. 760 (Wanderer Fantasy). Elly Ney, piano. Recorded 1962-1965. CD: Colosseum COL 9016. 2. 2001. Schubert, Franz. Fantasy in C, op. 15, D. 760 (Wanderer Fantasy). Lang Lang, piano. Recorded Nov. 7, 2003. CD: Deutsche Grammophon B0002047-02. 2004. Schubert, Franz. Fantasy in C, op. 15, D. 760 (Wanderer Fantasy). Maurizio Pollini, piano. Recorded in 1974. CD: Deutsche Grammophon 419 672-2. 1988. Schubert, Franz. Fantasy in C, op. 15, D. 760 (Wanderer Fantasy). Peter Frankl, piano. Recorded 1974/75. CD: VoxBox3 CD3X 3011. 992. Schubert, Franz. Fantasy in C, op. 15, D. 760 (Wanderer Fantasy). Vladimir Sofronitsky, piano. Live recording. Recorded December 25, 1953. CD: Pipeline Music 8975/9. Schubert, Franz. Fantasy in C, op. 15, D. 760 (Wanderer Fantasy). Walter Rehberg, piano. Recorded in 1927. Polydor: 95047/9. [ 1 ]. Franz Schubert, Fantasy C Major â€Å"Wanderer-Fantasie† (D 760), with fingering added by Paul Badu ra-Skoda. (Wien:  Wiener Urtext Edition,  1973), Preface. [ 2 ]. Maurice J. E. Brown, â€Å"Schuberts Wanderer Fantasy,† The Musical Times 92, no. 306 (Dec. , 1951): 541. [ 3 ]. Elaine Brody, â€Å"Mirror of His Soul: Schuberts Fantasy in C (D. 760),† Piano Quarterly 27, no. 104 (Winter, 1979): 30. [ 4 ]. Bruce Haynes, Mainstream Style (Chops, but No Soul), The End of Early Music: A Period Performers History of Music for the Twenty-First Century (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 48. [ 5 ]. Quote in Haynes, Mainstream Style (Chops, but No Soul), 62. [ 6 ]. Franz Schubert, Fantasy in C, op. 15, D. 760 (Wanderer Fantasy), Maurizio Pollini, piano, Recorded in 1974, CD: Deutsche Grammophon 419 672-2, 1988. 7 ]. Schubert, Fantasy C Major â€Å"Wanderer-Fantasie† (D 760), (Wien:  Wiener Urtext Edition,  1973), 1. [ 8 ]. Joan Chissell, Review of Schubert, Wanderer Fantasy, Maurizio Pollini, piano. Gramophone, (January 1975): 92. http://www. g ramophone. net. [ 9 ]. Franz Schubert, Fantasy in C, op. 15, D. 760 (Wanderer Fantasy), Alfred Brendel, piano, Recorded November 1971, CD: Philips 420 664-2, 1989. [ 10 ]. Franz Schubert, Fantasy in C, op. 15, D. 760 (Wanderer Fantasy), Walter Rehberg, piano, Recorded in 1927, Polydor: 95047/9. [ 11 ]. Franz Schubert, Fantasy in C, op. 15, D. 60 (Wanderer Fantasy), Edwin Fischer, piano, Recorded on 22-24 May 1934, CD: ADD APR 5515, 1996. [ 12 ]. Franz Schubert, Fantasy in C, op. 15, D. 760 (Wanderer Fantasy), Elly Ney, piano, Recorded 1962-1965, CD: Colosseum COL 9016. 2, 2001. [ 13 ]. Franz Schubert, Fantasy in C, op. 15, D. 760 (Wanderer Fantasy), Vladimir Sofronitsky, piano, Live recording, Recorded December 25, 1953, CD: Pipeline Music 8975/9. [ 14 ]. Franz Schubert, Fantasy in C, op. 15, D. 760 (Wanderer Fantasy), Lang Lang, piano, Recorded Nov. 7, 2003, CD: Deutsche Grammophon B0002047-02, 2004.

A Law Unto Themselves

A Law Unto Themselves A Law Unto Themselves A Law Unto Themselves By Maeve Maddox I heard someone on the radio refer to a particular group of people as being â€Å"a law into themselves.† The only version of this idiom that I’m familiar with is â€Å"a law unto themselves.† The expression derives from Romans 2:14. Numerous English translations of the Bible render the phrase as â€Å"a law unto themselves,† but some use a different preposition, like to or for. Here are three translations: For when the Gentiles, which have not the law, do by nature the things contained in the law, these, having not the law, are a law unto themselves.- King James Version (KJV) Indeed, when Gentiles, who do not have the law, do by nature things required by the law,  they are a law for themselves, even though they do not have the law.- New International Version (NIV). For when Gentiles, who do not have the law,  by nature do what the law requires, they are a law to themselves, even though they do not have the law.- English Standard Version (ESV) The passage refers to Gentiles who, although they lacked the law that had been given to the Jews, had their own laws that taught them how to live righteously. The preposition unto is a fossil. It once had several meanings, including some of the modern meanings of into, but, by the 18th century, its use had become obsolete in standard speech- except for the idiom â€Å"to be a law unto oneself.† Note: The word unto, meaning to, is sometimes heard in an elevated religious context, as in We cry unto the Lord. The modern use of â€Å"a law unto themselves† differs in meaning from the way it is used in the Bible passage. In the biblical context, the Gentiles are perceived as obeying a different law, but presumably their law applies to all of them. In modern usage, â€Å"to be a law unto oneself† suggests that the person or people so described ignore laws that apply to everyone else, doing as they please, as if they were above the law. Here are some examples from the Web: The NYPD may enforce the law, but they’re also a law unto themselves.- The Guardian. They [the khap panchaya] believe theyre supreme, a law unto themselves.- The Times of India.   The Soviet Politburo was a law unto itself.- The Washington Post The CIA: A Law Unto Itself- The Nation Nicole Kidman Law Unto Herself- New York Magazine Here are some non-idiomatic uses that use the preposition into instead of unto: French waiters are a law into themselves- TripAdvisor Hobby Lobby threatens to make religious believers a law into themselves.- UCLA law professor. Its a real policy dilemma because people begin to believe they can be the [sic] law into themselves.- Another law professor. Note: The quotations from the law professors appeared in newspaper articles; the fault of substituting into for unto may lie with the reporters or their editors. If a speaker does not wish to use archaic unto, the idiomatic choice of preposition is plain to: French waiters are a law to themselves. Hobby Lobby threatens to make religious believers a law to themselves Its a real policy dilemma because people begin to believe they can be a law to themselves Want to improve your English in five minutes a day? Get a subscription and start receiving our writing tips and exercises daily! Keep learning! Browse the Expressions category, check our popular posts, or choose a related post below:The Royal Order of Adjectives 40 Synonyms for â€Å"Lie†50 Words with Alternative Spellings

Should the police use deceit in interrogations Essay

Should the police use deceit in interrogations - Essay Example endment provides a person with the right not to confess anything against one’s own will, there are bunches of strong psychological techniques that help police to extract the confessions they need from their suspects, making a suspect confused in whether his confession is his own or has come against his actual will (Najdowski & Bonventre 26). Hence, police workers often use multiple tricks and deceptive methods during interrogations of their suspects. The use of deceit during interrogations may be implemented in multiple forms. Policemen often speculate with false evidences and assert that they have something on the suspect, for instance, that they’ve found fingerprints of personal stuff of the suspect on the crime scene, or that they’ve got some witnesses who saw the suspect making the crime, when in fact they’ve got nothing on the person. Such kind of method of interrogation is not only unethical but may lead to a case going in the wrong path of investiga tion. First of all, application of tricks and different deceptive psychological techniques during the interrogation process can make a suspect to confess in a crime one hasn’t done. Some studies on the matter mark out two kinds of false confessions result from a suspect’s entanglement in the current state of affairs of a case. The â€Å"coerced-compliant† (Conti 22) confession is the confession when a suspect is stressed and terrified by the police’s psychological oppression and agrees to confess in order to get rid of the stress he’s got into. Thus a person might be aware of the fact that he hasn’t done anything wrong but thinking of the police having something on him makes one desperate, so he starts considering confession, as it may probably shorten his sentence. Moreover, police often offers some deals of protection in court, so the suspect decides that if anyway he’s going to be sentenced, then why not to get at least a smaller sentenc e. The second type of false confessions is called

Discussion of Outsourcing and Its Pro and Cons Assignment

Discussion of Outsourcing and Its Pro and Cons - Assignment Example The IT functions include but not least software development, maintenance or support services in which the company deems cheaper to operate (Gartner, 2013). This occurs when an organization finds that it's cheaper to contract a third party to manage it IT than building an in-house IT department, or out-source a software or data storage than buying and maintaining its own. IT insourcing is acquiring or taking back the IT functions that have been previously been outsourced to a supplier or a third party provider (3P). In insourcing, the company takes control of the valuable business process and cease entrusting the functions to a 3P. The main difference between insourcing and outsourcing comes in the cost of the company, hence insourcing is more expensive as the company has to start from scratch whereas outsourcing the work is already flowing and the employees are familiar with the job (Marquis, n.d.). To achieve the same results insourcing firm uses its own acquired resources whereas in case of the outsourcing the firm uses the resources of the 3P. Insourcing involves placing a new location site for the operation site within the confines of the four walls of the organization, whereas involves using a facility that it’s outside the vicinity of the company. The insourcing the firm has total control of the employees and IT business process; whereas in outsourcing the management lacks or has no control over the way 3P operates (Marquis, n.d.). IT offshoring is relocating of IT business process from the primary country to another one to lower the administrative costs or due to lack of expertise in the primary country. This is mainly to take advantages of local resources, reducing costs and increasing the local market share; offshoring firm does not lose the ownership and the operations remain intact and unchanged (Lu, 2011).  

Political Science - Postmodernism Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Political Science - Postmodernism - Essay Example The essay "Political Science - Postmodernism" analyzes postmodernism era and political science. Postmodernism is a term which was initially encountered a decade or more ago and was at that time associated with current developments in the arts and architecture. Gradually the term's usage spread to other cultural spheres and a variety of academic disciplines. A voluminous literature now exists and numerous efforts have been made to interrelate postmodernism among diverse disciplines. In general, postmodernism is a cultural development with spin-offs in political science. There is no simple description of postmodernism. It is a dissenting voice levelled at the claims of the Enlightenment tradition and what is understood as the period of modernity embarked upon with the emergence of capitalism, industrial society, the nation-state, and the cultural turn toward individualism. In philosophy, postmodernism announces a "vigorous denunciation of abstract reason and deep aversion to any projec t that sought universal human emancipation through mobilization of the powers of technology, science, and reason". As Harvey further explains, the confidence in the association between scientific and moral judgments has collapsed, aesthetics has triumphed over ethics as a prime focus of social and intellectual concerns, images dominate narratives, ephemerality and fragmentation take precedence over eternal truths and unified politics, and explanations have shifted from the realm of material and political-economic groundings. towards a consideration of autonomous cultural and political practices (Harvey, 1989, p. 328). Postmodernism: Implications for Political Analysis One of the most significant generalizations about the consequences of postmodernism is that it affects not only the pace of our daily lives but our attitudes about knowledge, the power of political science and reason, and our confidence in the future. We become sceptical, insecure, uncertain and doubtful. (Colin 2002, p.9) As Harvey notes, "it is impossible to say anything of solidity and permanence in the midst of this ephemeral and fragmented world (Harvey 1989, p. 291). Everything we do and experience faces "the challenge of accelerating turnover time and the rapid write-off of traditional and historically acquired values" (Harvey 1989, p. 291). Postmodernists have proposed a fresh start to understanding and conducting political analysis. They draw upon bodies of literature that are not usually part of international theory, including philosophy, cultural studies, feminist theory, geography, and linguistics. (Colin 2002, p.14) Another narrative, that of aesthetic sensibility, (Colin 2002, p.3-4) explores the cultural symbols and conventions that have been used to represent the modern world and its relationships with the rest. Here, the inquiry focuses on the culture of modernism--examining the styles of artistic, literary and cultural representation through which modem society has represented itself: its characteristics, hopes, dreams and nightmares, beliefs and goals. This account relates closely to modern literary and artistic criticism--which probes the values, sentiments and meanings embedded in the canons of western art and literature. The representational account is concerned with broad patterns of sense and meaning that inhere in modem cultural products and seeks to connect these

The Tribes In The Indian Censuses History Essay

The Tribes In The Indian Censuses History Essay The idea of tribes is particularly complex in the Indian subcontinent, where indigenous/primitive in ­habitants were neither eliminated, nor quite absorbed, by the rising civilization in the course of history. It is plain enough that the demography of tribal people cannot loom large in Indias overall demographic scene (the formers relative size being only a little more than 8%). But, as we will see, demographic features in tribal societies have often been distinct and/or rather distinguished both in historical and comparative perspectives. In particular, the chief object of the present paper is to evaluate the overall demographic features and their common sociocultural underpinnings in the aggregate tribal population, in comparison, particularly, with their closest counterparts, namely, the lower caste (officially known as scheduled caste (SC)) people and others. Apart from illuminating useful insights into the nature and strength of the well-known connection between sociocultural milieus and demographic behaviour, this paper throws fresh light on the Indian notion of the tribe and its comparative position vis-à  -vis the mainstream since the late 19th century, especially in the contempor ary context of develop ­ment and globalization. Key Terms: Tribes, Demographic Patterns, Socio-Economic, Sociocultural Characteristics Introduction The notion/identity of tribes is particularly complex in the Indian subcontinent, where indigenous/primitive in ­habitants were neither eliminated, nor quite absorbed, by the rising civilization in the course of history. For example, although Indias tribes have been studied intensively (and exten ­sively) for many decades, both before and after independence, they appear as obscure as ever (Xaxa 1999). While they have often been glorified (particularly by older-generation anthropologists), their popular image has remained rather vague, indif ­ferent, and indeed, full of misconceptions and folklore. Despite substantial accumulation of literature (official and non-official alike) on the (relative) vulnerability of tribes, despite countless laws enacted for protecting their rights, and despite about half the countrys mineral and forest resources belonging to tribal areas, they remain the most underdeveloped community (Jones 1978). All this clearly reflects a resolute ambivalence on the part of the Indian state towards tribes (who fetch a numerically insignificant fraction of electoral support). It is plain enough that the demography of tribal people cannot loom large in Indias overall demographic scene (the formers relative size being only a little more than 8%). But, as we will see, demographic features in tribal societies have often been distinct and/or rather distinguished both in historical and comparative perspectives. In particular, the chief object of the present paper is to evaluate the overall demographic features and their common sociocultural underpinnings in the aggregate tribal population, in comparison, particularly, with their closest counterparts, namely, the lower caste (officially known as scheduled caste (SC)) people and others. Apart from illuminating useful insights into the nature and strength of the well known connection between sociocultural milieus and demographic behaviour, this paper throws fresh light on the Indian notion of the tribe and its comparative position vis-à  -vis the mainstream since the late 19th century, especially in the contempor ary context of develop ­ment and globalization. For example, Indias large-scale develop ­ment initiatives in the post-independence period are often being seen by scholars to have induced a shifting orientation in tribal studies, namely, from a focus on tribes as communities to a view of them as subjects of modernization and development or as their victims (Xaxa, 2003). Our present aggregative approach, of course, departs from anthropologists (and probably of many others) overriding per ­ception that a study/analysis of aggregate tribal people can hardly make sense. However, the latter view is not always unquestionable. First, this (anthropological) perspective though it has for long dominated Indias tribal discourse, has arguably failed to provide cohesive and consistent statements on the pre ­dicaments of tribal people as a whole and on their effective rem ­edies. As the report of an Advisory Committee on the Revision of the lists of SCs and scheduled tribes (STs) had observed in 1965, it would be in the best interest of these communities if they are taken out from the list of scheduled castes and tribes and are treated exclu ­sively as a distinctive group, with development schemes specially de ­signed to suit their dominant characteristics Second, since diversities sociocultural, environmental, and geophysical are as much (or at least no less) germane to the tribal and non-tribal populations alike, it is pertinent to wonder as to why only tribal diversity, rather than commonality, should deserve academic priority and attention. If aggregate (or aver ­age) tribal patterns say, demographic and sociocultural are distinct from those of their non-tribal counterparts, the former could well be treated as one entity vis-à  -vis the latter. Thus, while not denying the value of anthropological methods and micro-level studies, we adopt here an aggregative approach which we believe to be useful to policy formulation for Indias overall tribal people. Tribes in the Indian Censuses India is one of very few non-western countries for which detailed decennial census information is available since as back as the 1870s. The census reports and statistical tables have since been presenting demographic information separately for the tribal population and often for many individual tribes. However, the census information, like most other large-scale data, is not per ­fect, calling for appropriate caution in drawing conclusions. In examining the long-term trends, the question of comparability of data from one census to other could be of key importance, while in a comparative demographic analysis of two sub-populations for a single census year the question of relative accuracy and coverage would be of greater significance. In the censuses of British India (except in 1941), religion was one prominent criterion for classification of the countrys popula ­tion, with tribes being categorized as those practicing hundreds of different primitive religions. In fact, they used to be classified as animists until the 1931 Census, in which they were enumer ­ated under the heading tribal religion. Thus, up to 1941, the use of religious category in the census enumeration enabled the au ­thorities to bypass many complex issues anthropological, socio ­logical and historical involved in the notion and/or identity of diverse tribes across the country. It was only in 1941 that the tribals were defined, for the first time in the history of the Indian census, not in terms of their religion or faith, but their origin. In fact, this major shift in the criterion of enumeration brought in a serious difficulty of compa ­rability between 1941 and the preceding census enumerations (Davis, 1951). Around the time of Indias independence, a serious rethinking on the notion of the tribe or tribal identity was initiated by political leaders who wanted tribal and other backward sections to bring gradually through affection, friendli ­ness and some special protections and provisions to the main ­stream levels. The Constitution of India empowered the president to declare any tribal community or part thereof as a scheduled tribe eligible for those special provisions and benefits. With the adoption of the Constitution in 1950, the president promulgated in the same year a list of STs and scheduled areas, which was based, in a large measure, on the list of backward tribes promul ­gated in 1936 by the British colonial administration. At the first census of independent India in 1951, the number of scheduled tribal communities or part thereof was 212, with specific areas being earmarked for each. The Constitution provisions, thus, sealed the boundaries between tribe and non-tribe and gave to the tribal identity a kind of definiteness it lacked in the past (Bà ©teille, 1986). Thus, since the 1950s, there emerged not only a definite tribal identity with legal sanction, but also a dis ­tinct political interest forging that identity. Without laying down specific criteria for scheduling a tribe, the Constitution has empowered the president of the country to appoint a backward classes commission, with three major tasks: to evaluate conditions of socially backward classes; recommend policy for amelioration of their hardships and deprivations; and re-examine the existing list of STs for suggesting its revision, if necessary. The first such backward classes commission was appointed in 1953, which came up with a recommendation for declaring some additional communities as scheduled. Accord ­ingly, a modified (and enlarged) list of STs was notified by the president in 1956, and the list was published under SCs and STs (Modification) Order, 1956. Consequently, by the 1961 Census, the number of STs rose to 427 (which was an increase by more than twice the number at the 1951 Census), and to 432 by the Census of 1971. Owing to various problems and complaints, the Removal of Area Restrictions (Amendment) Act of 1976 was passed to remove the area restriction on tribal identity, and, henceforth, the list of STs was made applicable to all areas in a state. Conse ­quently, STs began to mean, for all practical purposes, tribal population of the country. Difficulties, of course, remained due, inter alia, to the varying definition of a tribe, by changes to the list of officially recognised tribes, by qualitative deficiencies in demographic data, administrative changes to Indias regions and by the reclassification of tribes as castes (Wiercinski, 1996). But these possible defects of census data have not usually been so serious as to obliterate the discernible distinctions in demographic features and parameters between the tribal and mainstream populations. The preparation of schedules for tribal and lower caste people had occurred simultaneously. Although there might have been some anomalies in the official recording of these two social identities, this does not preclude the possibility of fruitful and imaginative use of census information (at least) for some specific purposes. In fact, census data do often depict contrasting demographic patterns/outcomes between these two social groups. Unsurpris ­ingly, these two groups do not seem historically to have been much different in terms of economic levels and footings, but they have been pretty distinct socioculturally. Therefore, it should be illuminating if tribal demographic patterns and trends are examined in comparison with those of the SC population. Understanding tribes in the light of their demographic trends, patterns, and outcomes should provide useful insights into the evolution of the notion of tribes and their relative social position. Demographic Patterns and Trends of Indian Tribes Table 1: Long-Term Trends in Population and Its Growth, and Sex-Ratio, Total and Tribal Populations, India (1881-2001) Year Total Population Tribal Population Decadal Growth Rate (%) Sex-Ratio (Female Per 1,000 Males) No. % Total Tribal Total Tribal 1881 25,01,55,050 64,26,511 2.57 954 1891 27,95,75,324 91,12,018 3.26 11.76 41.79 958 992 1901 28,38,67,584 81,84,758 2.88 1.54 -10.18 972 1,021 1911 30,30,04,354 95,93,695 3.17 6.74 17.21 964 1,016 1921 30,57,26,528 90,72,024 3.00 0.89 -7.2 955 996 1931 33,76,75,361 76,29,959 2.45 10.45 -15.9 950 1,009 1941 38,89,97,955(a) 87,91,354(b) 2.26 15.20 6.17 945 985 Independent India 1951* 36,10,88,090 1,91,11,498 5.29 946 1,021 1961 43,92,34,771 3,01,30,184 23.10 33.84* 941 987 1971 54,81,59,652 3,80,15,162 6.93 24.80 26.17 930 982 1981(c) 66,52,87,849 5,16,28,638 7.76 24.69 [emailprotected] 934 983 1991(d) 83,85,83,988 6,77,58,380 8.08 23.79 25.68 927 972 2001 1,02,86,10,328 8,43,26,240 8.20 22.70 24.50 933 977 (a) Includes 23,31,332 persons in North-West Frontier Province not enumerated by religion, but believed to be Muslim. (b) In view of a change in classification in the 1941 Census, this is an estimate made for the purpose of achieving comparability with the figures of tribal population identified as Animists till 1931 or as people practising tribal religion in 1931 Census of tribal population in 1941, derived after adjustments to the enumerated population of tribal origin. See Davis (1951), Appendix J for adjustments and assumptions involved in obtaining this estimate. (c) Excludes Assam. The decadal growth rate during 1971-81 has been calculated by excluding the population of Assam. (d) Excludes Jammu and Kashmir. The decadal growth rate during 1981-91 has been calculated excluding population of both Assam and Jammu and Kashmir. * See note 1below; + for India and Pakistan together (Visaria 1968, Table 2.9); @ This has been calculated on the basis of revised estimate of tribal population for 1971 (which is 3,94,89,232 excluding Assam) after taking account of the abolition of hitherto imposed area restriction for most tribes by an act of Parliament in 1976, which resulted in larger population of several tribes in many states according to 1971 Census than were actually enumerated (see Sinha 1986, Tables 4.1, 4.2, and Appendix). In fact, the office of the registrar general worked the revised population of tribals for states where the revision was necessary (see commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes 1977; and also Sinha 1993). (1) In 1951 Census the tribal population was for the first time enumerated according to a statutory list of scheduled tribes notified by the president under Article 342 of the Constitution, which was enlarged through modification as per order in 1956. According to the 1956 Modification order the tribal population for the 1951 Census was revised upward as being 2, 25, 11, 584, with the revised percentage rising to 6.23. Since tribal population in 1961 was enumerated according to the 1956 Modification list of scheduled tribes, the decadal growth rate of tribal population during 1951-61 has been calculated on the basis of this revised tribal population for 1951. Source: For the British India figures, Davis (1951), Table 77, p 179; and Mamoria (1958), p 26; Natarajan (1971), p 9. For post-independence period, see Census Reports, Nag (1984), 15-16; Bose (1996), Government of India (2004). We now examine the broad features of long-term growth of the tribal population since the late 19th century, in comparison with the total population (Table 1). Except for three decades, namely, 1891-1901, 1911-21 and 1921-31, the aggregate tribal population did register increases. For example, during 1881-91, the enumer ­ated total population increased by about 12%, while the increase recorded for the tribal population was three and half times larger. This could be due to improvements in enumeration cover ­age of tribal peoples in remote and isolated terrains. However, over the following decade of 1891-1901, the tribal population had experienced a substantial decline in its absolute number vis-à  -vis an increase in the total population. This (arguably) re ­flects a greater mortality toll among the former in the two large-scale famines of 1896-97 and 1899-1900. But in the following decade, 1901-11, the enumerated tribal population had increased much faster than the general popu lation. This could be due to a lessened severity of famines in terms of frequency, scale and coverage, and also (presumably) due to quicker recovery in the post-famine years (e g, through higher than normal levels of fertility) of the tribal population, which had suffered a greater (proportionate) population loss in the preceding major famines (Maharatna, 1996). Growth of total population was negligible during 1911-21 within which occurred the great influenza pandemic of 1918, causing a heavy toll of human lives including even considerable depopulation among tribals. Again, during 1921-31, Indian tribes appear to have experienced a decline in aggregate population, while there had been an increase in the total population. This differential seems attributable to the heightened politics over religious divisions around the 1931 Census, with, for example, an active political pressure mounting on the authorities to return everyone of doubtful status as Hindu (Davis, 1951). Furthermore, the shift of criterion from religious affiliation to tribal origin as the basis of tribal enumeration in the Census 1941 was (at least partly) responsible for a record of their com ­paratively slower increase in 1931-41 (Table 1). Except for the dra ­matic effects of famines and epidemics, the enumerated tribal population up to 1921 was growing at rates no less (or may, indeed, be sometimes higher) than those for the total population. The somewhat sluggish recorded increases of the tribal popula ­tion over the three decades preceding independence could partly be an artifact of social and political turmoil on religious lines. Another noteworthy feature of pre-independence tribal popula ­tion growth is the somewhat constancy of its proportion to the to ­tal since the late 19th century, as against secular declines in the proportion of the Hindus. While the former ranged between 2.26% and 3.26% during 1881-1941, the latter dropped from 75.1% to 69.5% (Davis, 1951). This differential, according to Kingsley Davis, was due to the higher fertility of tribal population than that of the Hindus. But there could be other possibilities as well. For example, as we argue later, this constancy of the tribal proportion could have resulted from its relatively lower mortality, not from higher fertility vis-à  -vis those of the Hindu population. In the first census of independent India in 1951, the enumer ­ated number of tribal people turned out to be more than twice its size in the preceding census, despite the Partition of India in 1947. This might have been partly because the regions (e g, north-western parts and eastern Bengal) that were carved out from erstwhile India were historically of low tribal concentration. However, this can hardly be a full explanation, especially when total population of the country declined by about 7% in 1941-51. The clue lies in the fact that enumeration of tribal and lower caste people was made for the first time on the basis of respective statutory schedules prepared and approved by the government. Many persons not considered as tribals on the criterion of their religious affiliation and/or otherwise before independence, could find themselves so identified in the 1951 Census. Thus, with the decadal growth of enumerated tribal population being higher than that of the total population in the post-independence period, the formers proportion rose from 5% in 1951 to more than 8% in 2001 (Table 1). Note, however, that the gap in these two recorded growth rates has been the highest during the 1951-61 decade, and it narrowed down over the following decades (perhaps with the exception for the 1971-81 decade). This relative inflation of ST population in the post-independence period does partly reflect expansion of ST list. As Bà ©teille (1986) observes, paradoxically, the number of communities deemed to be tribes has increased with the modernization of India between 1950 and 1976. However fairly rapid enlargement of the list of STs, especially up to the late 1970s and early 1980s, as well as the removal of the area restriction in 1976, account for the extent of the recorded surges in tribal population that took place merely through reclassification, and, hence, of redistribution of the existing population. But there is the fairly strong evidence suggesting a higher real natural growth of the tribal than that of the total population. While the estimated growth of the matched populations of STs between 1961 and 1971 turned out to be only about 1% point lower (25.3%) than that (26.2%) based on unadjusted figures, the former happened to be 1% point higher than that of the total population, affirming a higher natural growth rate among tribes vis-à  -vis general population in the post-independence period (Sinha, 1986). The relatively high growth of tribal population in the newly independent country could be related to the new development and modernization initiatives, which via changes in lifestyles, customs, values, and some material improvements with little prevalence of modern contraception, could induce rises in fertility (so-called pre-transition rise of fertility, i e, rises of fertility just prior to the beginning of its secular decline). In fact, such pre-transition fertility rise has probably been relativity delayed, prolonged, and pronounced among the ST population vis-à  -vis SCs, as the former have arguably lagged the latter in the processes of modernization/Sanskritization. What emerges, on the whole (ignoring periods of dramatic losses of population during famines, epidemics and the like), is a picture of the tribal population having grown much like the general population at very moderate rates during pre-independence decades, but at much higher rates, thereafter partly because of inclusion of new tribal identities and partly because of late occurrence of their pre-transition rise of fertility. However, like total population, the indication of the onset of a declining trend in the growth of tribal population in more recent decades seems well discernible. A broad regional pattern of Indias tribal population namely, tribes being concentrated (in descending order) in central, eastern (including north-eastern) and western regions (these together constituting about 90% of total tribal population) has remained largely unchanged. However, there has been a distinct decline of tribal share of eastern states (particularly Bihar and Orissa) in the post-independence period. Notwithstanding possible enumeration biases (e g, over enumeration of tribals in southern and western regions most prominently up to 1981), the large part of the explanation for the changing pattern of regional composition of the tribal population lies in the interstate differences in real demographic processes, e g, birth, death rates and their trends, patterns of spatial mobility and movements of tribal people (Maharatna, 2005). Table 2: Growth of Population and Growth of Numerically Large Tribes, India (1941-91) Tribe Regions of Habitation Population Average Annual Growth Rate (%) 1941# 1961 1971 1981** 1941-61 1961-71 1971-81 No. (%) No. (%) No. (%) No. (%) Bhil Gujarat, MP and Rajasthan 23,30,270 (9.2) 38,36,308 (12.8) 51,82,625 (13.6) 73,92,983 (14.3) 3.23 3.51 4.26 Gond MP, Orissa, AP and Maharashtra 32,01,004 (12.6) 39,91,767 (13.4) 48,09,165 (12.7) 73,87,376(14.3) 1.24 2.05 5.36 Santal Bihar, Orissa, WB and Tripura 27,32,266 (10.7) 31,54,107 (10.5) 36,33,459 (9.6) 42,60,842(8.3) 0.77 1.52 1.73 Oraon Bihar, MP, Orissa and WB 11,22,926 (4.4) 14,47,429 (4.8) 17,06,091 (4.5) 18,65,779(3.6) 1.44 1.80 0.94 Mina Rajasthan 11,55,916 (3.9) 15,33,513 (4.0) 20,86,692(4.0) 3.27 3.61 Munda Bihar, Orissa, WB, MP 7,06,869 (2.8) 10,19,098 (3.4) 11,63,338(4.0) 14,22,830(2.8) 2.21 1.42 2.23 Khond AP, Orissa 7,44,904 (2.9) 8,45,981 (2.8) 9,11,835(2.4) 0.68 0.78 Boro @ Assam, WB, Tripura 5,94,979 (2.3) 3,51,583 -2.05 Varli 3,74,184 ** (Roy Burman 1993: 199); the percentage shares have been calculated by the present author on the total tribal population of India (exclusive of Assam). AP Andhra Pradesh; MP Madhya Pradesh; WB West Bengal. @ Borokacharis; # These are 1941 Census enumerations of specific tribes on the criterion of tribal origin (rather than tribal religion used in 1931 and before). Therefore, the respective shares of tribal groups have been calculated on total enumerated tribal population of 25, 441,548, which is much larger than adjusted figure of 87,91,354 as presented in Table 1. Source: Roy Burman (1993: 199); Government of India (1961), Report of the Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes Commission, Vol 1, 1960-1961, p 7; Sinha (1986), Table 4.3, p 47. Despite the number of STs having already exceeded 500, it is only a few major tribal groups that constitute a large bulk of the aggregate tribal population of the country. For example, as Table 2 shows, about nine major tribal groups constitute nearly half of countrys total tribal population, and they are concentrated mostly in the central, western and eastern parts. The tribe-composition has remained broadly unaltered over the post-independence period, notwithstanding proliferation of new tribal subgroups. For example, relative shares of Bhil and Gond populations have risen, admittedly marginally, with a meager reduction in the share of Munda population (Table 2). There are quite a few tribal groups each constituting (e g, as per 1971 Census count) slightly more than 1% of total tribal population, namely, Ho (1.42%) in eastern India, Naga (1.23%) in north-eastern states (Sinha, 1986). Apart from them, there are numerous smaller tribal groups dispersed across the country. In fact, there are some small and so-called primitive tribes of which enumerated populations range from as low as 20. Many of such small tribes are, indeed, on their way towards extinction. However, the phenomenon of so-called vanishing tribes, if at all, is extremely localised, and indeed, specific to very small groups situated in very special circumstances. These most vulnerable tribal groups, who currently number around 75, constituting nearly 2% of total tribal population, include Onges, Shompens, the Greater Andamanese, Rajjis Didayis, Hill Korwas and Bondas. An acute food deprivation and extreme vulnerability to death and disease have generally been held responsible for diminution of some small tribal groups in specific locations (Bhagwan, 1997). The vanishing tribes phenomenon, of course, deserves an attention and an effective public action in its own right, but it is important to keep in mind that the former does not represent the aggregate tribal situation in India. In fact, the major tribal groups (except some small vanishing ones) are not experiencing a uniform positive rate of population growth. While Bhil and Gond dominant central and western tribes have had accelerating population growth since the early 1960s, Santals, Mina and Munda mostly eastern tribes have fared far less in terms of population increase (Table 2). For example, the populations of Katkari, an originally nomadic tribe of Konkan region of Maharashtra, have been almost stationary during 1961-71 in the face of nearly 2.3% average annual growth rate of aggregate tribal population in the state (Kulkarni 2002). While this could well be related to acute material deprivation, other possibilities (e g, effect of removal of area restriction) cannot be ruled out. For example, among the major tribes of central and western states (e g, Bhil, Gond, Mina), growth of population has been above the national average and even accelerated in the post-independence period, at least up to the 1980s. This rapid growth of tribal population, especially over several decades since independence, seems to have caused inter alia by a relatively late occurrence of modern improvements in mortality of tribal population, and (somewhat related) by pre-transition fertility rises consequent upon generally sluggish pace of modernization across tribal communities. In contrast, the major tribes of eastern India (e g, Santal, Orao, Munda, Khond) have registered much smaller population increase vis-à  -vis both general population in this region and tribes of western and central India. A relatively larger underenumeration of tribal people in this region, especially in the late 1970s, could be a factor, since official recognition of tribal identity on the basis of area restrictions continued here for some time even after latters formal repeal in 1976 (Burman, 1993). But this cannot constitute a complete explanation. A relative mortality disadvantage and comparatively low fertility among these tribes (vis-à  -vis those of central and western India) are also likely to have been contributors especially over the recent past. Furthermore, specific historical factors might have made major East Indian tribes relatively prone to long distance migration and movement (Burman, 1993). In sum: three major tribal groups, namely, Bhil, Santal, Gond constitute nearly 40% of the countrys total tribal population, and this numeric dominance of just a few major tribes amidst hundreds of tiny groups and subgroups has been continuing for a long time past, leaving aggregative analysis of Indias tribal population useful and credible. Perhaps the most glaring difference between tribal and general populations lies in the sex ratio, i e, female-male ratio (FMR hereafter) (Table 1). In distinct contrast to Indias overall FMR being unfavourable to females, it has been relatively balanced among tribes. In fact, females outnumber males in the entire western world and in many developing countries outside Asia and North Africa. Such excess female scenario derives both from females biological edge over males in natural survival chances as well as from their relative mortality advantage in wars, accidents and lifestyles. Thus, a huge deficiency of females, as indicated by low FMR in general population, reflects adverse social influences outweighing females intrinsic (biological) advantage in survival. There have been several attempts at estimating what Amartya Sen famously coined missing women in countries with lower than a benchmark FMR, which generally obtains in the abs

Albert Einstein :: biographies bio

Albert was born in 1879 on March 14 to Hermann and Pauline Einstein. Hermann ran an electrical technology business which was often on the verge of bankruptcy. Hermann's parents were Abraham and Hindel. Albert's parents moved around Europe several times while Albert was still living at home. He was born in Ulm, Germany. Two years Albert became a big brother when his sister Maja (Maria) was born, at this time his family was living at Munich. At the age of nine Albert entered a school in Munich called Luitpold. In school Albert got fairly good grades in his subject while he excelled in mathematics. However, he hated the school because success was based on memorization and obedience rather than how much a child knew. Then when Albert went home he studied mathematics, physics, and philosophy all on his own. Then later his teacher asked him to leave because Albert was causing the other students to loose respect for the teacher. At fifteen Albert took the teacher's advice and left mid term to be with his parents and sister in Italy. He renounced his German citizenship after enrolling in a cantonal school in Aarau, Switzerland. After he graduated from Aarau he entered the Federal Institute of Technology in Zurich, received his diploma and became a Swiss citizen. However, Albert had a difficult time holding down a full time job; he held many different part time jobs and it wasn't until he was offered a job with the Swiss Patent Office in Bern did he finally receive a regular salary. During one of his part time teaching positions his eye was caught by a young Serbian woman, Meleva Maric. She was the only woman in his physics class; yet Albert would not talk of marriage, even after she bore his daughter and gave it up for adoption. Once Albert was hired full time with the Swiss Patent Office in Bern he had enough money to begin thinking about marriage and he and Meleva were married in 1903. With this new job Albert had the time to write his thoughts down and to. Meleva gave birth to two sons Hans Albert in 1904 and Eduard in 1910. Hans would grow up and become a successful hydraulic engineer, while Eduard grew up being sick most of his life. In 1914 the German government offered Albert a position at the University of Berlin as well as a membership to the Prussian Academy of Sciences.

Richard Nixon’s Pardon Rhetorical Analysis

President Gerald Ford’s Pardon of Richard Nixon Former President of the United States, Gerald R. Ford gave a speech pardoning his predecessor, former President Richard Nixon, of all offenses against the United States that he may have committed during his presidency. The announcement was made live on September 8, 1974. The speech was written to persuade the country to agree with the pardoning of Nixon and forgive him for the crimes he had committed against his country.Ford states that â€Å"Theirs (Nixon’s Family) is an American tragedy in which we all have played a part. It could go on and on and on, or someone must write the end to it. I have concluded that only I can do that, and if I can, I must. † President Ford argued that the pardoning of Richard Nixon isn’t only for Nixon and his family’s fate but for the country’s well-being. Throughout Ford’s speech he makes evident the use of Logos, Ethos and Pathos appeals. He uses the appea ls evenly, convincing his audience while still being well-supported and reasonable.Ford opens up his speech with many reasons why he, as the President and as a person, should be trusted, and that he thinks that what he is doing is the right thing to do in the situation. He proceeds to admit that his job is a difficult one and that he has made mistakes in the past. Doing so helps him bond with his audience and let them know that he, too, is a person, just like them; and they can count on him, also known as the ethos appeal. He states â€Å"My customary policy is to try and get all the facts and consider the opinions of my countrymen and to take council with my most valued friends.But these seldom agree, and in the end, the decision is mine. † This statement subtly creates the idea that the decision he had to make was a hard one, and it ultimately came down to Ford having to take the responsibility. He proceeds to tell his country all of the options that he had, as if to make t hem feel like they were a part of the process; â€Å"To procrastinate, to agonize, and to wait for a more favorable turn of events that may never come†¦ † President Ford then makes himself seem very credible by promising to uphold the constitution, to do what God has asked him, and to do â€Å"the very best for America. In making himself credible, Ford establishes trust with his audience therefor making his argument easier to agree with. When he establishes his credibility, he moves to the pathos appeal to introduce his thesis. He plays to the audience’s emotions by referring to Nixon’s situation as â€Å"an American tragedy in which we have all played a part†¦ someone must write the end to it. † Thus making the audience feel bad for Nixon and his family, making his audience feel like they are at fault for their â€Å"tragedy. He makes his thesis statement in a powerful way, saying â€Å"I have concluded that only I can do that, and if I can, I must. † Imperceptibly making the audience thankful for taking away their burden and making things right, so they don’t have to. He again uses the listeners’ emotions and morals to support his opinion in order to create empathy for Nixon by referring to how the allegations have â€Å"threatened his health† and that he is now â€Å"trying to reshape his life. † He also makes it obvious that Nixon spent most of his life â€Å"in the service of this country,† making Nixon a hero, not a criminal.This statement also institutes reliability for Nixon, correspondingly benefiting Ford’s argument. He continues to get sympathy from his audience by conveying that the situation they were dealing with was uncharted territory and they didn’t know how to resolve it. â€Å"There are no historic or legal precedents to which I can turn in this matter, none that precisely fit the circumstances of a private citizen who has resigned the Presidency of the United States. † By saying this, he lets the audience know that the circumstances are fairly new, and he is the first to resolve them.This makes the audience feel more sympathetic for Gerald Ford and by admitting his faults; the listeners would feel like they can trust him more. The President goes on to say â€Å"But it is common knowledge that serious allegations and accusations hang like a sword over our former President’s head†¦ † After Ford had established sympathy for himself, he makes this statement to show the audience that Nixon is also dealing with guilt and regret for what he did to his country.By referring to Richard Nixon as â€Å"former President† it brings attention to the fact that Nixon was once a President of The United States, and that he should be respected and possibly even forgiven; because he was once in charge of the country and was once trusted by the entire country. Gerald Ford uses  the logic of his reasons, and the effectiveness of its supporting evidence to convey why it is so important that he pardons Nixon now, rather than let the Supreme Court deal with the matter.He announces, â€Å"†¦many months and perhaps more years will have to pass before Richard Nixon could obtain a fair trial by jury in any jurisdiction of the United States under governing decisions of the Supreme Court. † He uses the Supreme Court, the highest of all courts, to support his claim that pardoning Nixon was the best decision; and he does this by affirming that the Supreme Court would take too long and if they couldn’t make a decision, no other court in the United States would be able to make a decision. Making it palpable that he is the best option and nothing else would suffice.Later in the speech President Ford also brings forward the idea that, if the process of fair trial were to be brought out, the wait would only open old wounds and the people would â€Å"only be polarized in their own opini ons. † This statement was said to make the listeners feel as if their negative opinions, if any, of Richard Nixon were strong and unnecessary. It also makes the audience know that Gerald Ford is watching out for them and he realizes they are hurt, and doesn’t want the situation to continue to hurt him. By saying these things, the people’s feelings of trust and faith in the president are confirmed. I deeply believe in equal justice for all Americans, whatever their station or former station. † After possibly differing with the audience in the previous statement, Ford uses this to restore his credibility with the people and prepare them for more facts and reasons why he formed his opinion. Gerald Ford influences the audience again by using emotion to guilt-trip them into feeling sorrow for Nixon by saying â€Å"†¦ it is not the ultimate fate of Richard Nixon that most concerns me, though surely it deeply troubles every decent and every compassionate per son. Saying that a decent and compassionate person should care about what happens to Nixon makes the audience feel like they, too, should care about his fate. And doing so would restore the need for them to feel that they are a compassionate and decent human being. â€Å"In this, I dare do not depend upon my personal sympathy as a long-time friend of the former President, nor my professional judgment as a lawyer, and I do not. † This statement tells the audience that he sees both sides of the argument.Because of his background, as a lawyer and as a friend of former President Nixon, he is forced to see the logical side and the emotional side. Therefore, it seems as if the decision President Ford has to make is going to be made in a thoughtful and well-rounded way. â€Å"As President, my primary concern must always be the greatest good of all the people of the United States who servant I am. † Saying that he is a servant to his country seems as if he is saying that the d ecision isn’t only his, and he is trying to do what is best for his country, and what his country would think is best in the situation.The statement implies that he wouldn’t do any harm to his country and if he is an honorable man, like he has already convinced the audience, then he should be trusted with this decision also. President Gerald Ford proceeds to talk about how his conscience is telling him to make this choice and that it is his duty, as President of the United States, to â€Å"firmly shut and seal this book. † This statement made the audience feel like the pardoning of Richard Nixon is an honorable thing, and that Gerald Ford is brave to do it.It also implies, by bringing up his conscience, that he listens to his inner thoughts and always tries to do the right thing; and this is something he does regularly. By doing this he once again makes the audience see that he is a credible and honest man. Gerald Ford felt that â€Å"†¦Richard Nixon and h is loved ones have suffered enough†¦Ã¢â‚¬  The use of the phrase â€Å"loved ones† instead of the word â€Å"family† makes a strong connection with the audience and makes Nixon look more vulnerable and innocent. Ford then takes advantage of the warmth towards Nixon and says â€Å"we, as a great and good nation, can come together and make his goal of peace come true. The reflection of the people as a â€Å"great and good nation† brings the audience together and brings forth the idea that â€Å"we are all in this together†, making Ford’s opinion seem like it was the entire audience’s, too. Also, pointing out that Nixon had a goal of â€Å"peace† makes him, again, look like a very respectable man, which reflects well on President Ford. Gerald Ford uses the right amount of emotions, facts and credibility to endorse his opinion, and he does it very well without fault. He plays on the audiences emotions through making them sympatheti c for Nixon by pointing out his losses.Ford uses the facts of Richard Nixon’s trial to make his decision more reasonable. He also uses his credibility to establish trust. He influences the viewer’s opinions very discreetly, so the audience conform their opinion to his without realizing it. Overall, Gerald Ford does a really good job talking to his audience and making them feel like a part of his decision. He uses the appeals to his advantage and wins the audience over; making it easier for them to believe that he is making the right decision.

Assessment Type

[pic] Westminster International College Module Title: Research Methodologies Programme: MBA Part Time Groups: 9,10,11,12 & 13 Module Period: 22 February 2013 – 23 March 2013 Lecturer: Dr. Lester Massingham Tutor: Dr. Kui Juan Tiang Date of Completion and Submission: 23 March 2013 Submission Method: Online via turnitin Assessment Type: A type-written assignment Assignment Question: The aim of the module is to equip students to plan and conduct a research project leading to the production of a Masters level dissertation. The general goal is to introduce and develop the skills needed to conceptualise a problem and a viable research topic.Students will make use of available literature, design a research strategy, evaluate, organise, and integrate relevant data (both existing and new), derive useful solutions, and communicate those solutions in an appropriate form to clients and colleagues. The module will prepare students to continue their own professional education and contribute to the development of the profession as a whole, at a standard commensurate with the current level of knowledge. The module surveys the basic processes of research methodology as practised in the social sciences.Underlying principles of science and logic are emphasised and special attention is directed toward the recognition of common sources of error and bias in the implementation and interpretation of research studies as it affects the outcomes of research utilisation. You are required to submit a research proposal. The content of the document produced by each student is required to cover the specific areas and to be within specific maximum word lengths (marks allocation and word lengths in brackets) as follows: 1. Title and Introduction. Form a clear title of a proposed research.Elaborate on the background of the industry and/or company to be researched as well as the problem or issue identified. Also explain the significance and rationale of the proposed research. (15 marks / 8 00 words maximum) 2. Research Questions. Construct the questions to be answered in the proposed research. (5 marks / 100 words maximum) 3. Research Objectives and Framework. State the research objectives in terms of the factors or causes identified (independent variables) and their relationships with the identified problem or issue (dependent variable).Following the stated objectives, construct a proposed research model or conceptual framework. (5 marks / 100 words maximum) 4. Literature Review. With reference to various relevant literatures, write a critical review and analysis of both the conceptual/theoretical and practical aspects of the identified problem/issue and factors/causes. (40 marks / 2,000 words maximum) 5. Research Methodology and Design. Elaborate the concept, types and approaches in research.Propose a research design for the research topic selected with detailed explanation on elements such as the sample, sample size, types and sources of information, collection met hods and operationalisation or measurement of variables. (15 marks / 800 words maximum) 6. Ethical Considerations. Identify ethical issues involved and steps taken to prevent breach of research ethics. (5 marks / 100 words maximum) 7. Timescale or Gantt Chart. Construct a Gantt Chart in weeks that includes the stages and milestones of the research tasks and their respective time allocations. 5 marks / 100 words maximum) 8. References. Using the Harvard referencing system, provide a comprehensive list of references. (10 marks) Assessment Requirements: †¢ The submission of your work for assessment should be organised and clearly structured in a report format as outlined in 1. 0 to 8. 0 above. †¢ Maximum word length allowed is 4000 words, which includes sections 1. 0 to 7. 0 in the report. The word count excludes section 8. 0. †¢ This assignment is worth 100% of the final assessment of the module. Student is required to submit a type-written document in Microsoft Word fo rmat with Times New Roman font type, size 12 and line spacing of 1. 5. †¢ The Harvard Style of Referencing system is COMPULSORY. †¢ Indicate the sources of information and literature review by including all the necessary citations and references adopting the Harvard Referencing System. †¢ Students who have been found to have committed acts of Plagiarism are automatically considered to have failed the entire semester. If found to have breached the regulation for the second time, you will be asked to leave the course.Plagiarism involves taking someone else’s words, thoughts, ideas or essays from online essay banks and trying to pass them off as your own. It is a form of cheating which is taken very seriously. Take care of your work and keep it safe. Don’t leave it lying around where your classmates can find it. Malaysian Qualifications Agency Learning Outcomes Module Learning Outcomes: †¢ Demonstrate the skills necessary to assess and interpret existi ng research as a prelude to carrying out further investigation and the knowledge and understanding of range of research designs and their appropriate utilization. Conceptualise a problem; formulate hypotheses and objectives; design a research strategy, collecting, analyzing, and interpreting both quantitative and qualitative data, including commonly encountered statistical procedures. †¢ Understand the theoretical principles underlying inferential and descriptive statistics. †¢ Integrate the findings of existing research to ask a new research question. †¢ Engage in critical thinking when reading and comprehending research articles. Choose the most appropriate statistical analyses, interpret results, and write up the results accurately and completely. Notes on Plagiarism & Harvard Referencing Plagiarism Plagiarism is passing off the work of others as your own. This constitutes academic theft and is a serious matter which is penalised in assignment marking. Plagiarism i s the submission of an item of assessment containing elements of work produced by another person(s) in such a way that it could be assumed to be the student’s own work. Examples of plagiarism are: the verbatim copying of another person’s work without acknowledgement †¢ the close paraphrasing of another person’s work by simply changing a few words or altering the order of presentation without acknowledgement †¢ the unacknowledged quotation of phrases from another person’s work and/or the presentation of another person’s idea(s) as one’s own. Copying or close paraphrasing with occasional acknowledgement of the source may also be deemed to be plagiarism if the absence of quotation marks implies that the phraseology is the student’s own.Plagiarised work may belong to another student or be from a published source such as a book, report, journal or material available on the internet. Harvard Referencing The structure of a citation under the Harvard referencing system is the author's surname, year of publication, and page number or range, in parentheses, as illustrated in the Smith example near the top of this article. †¢ The page number or page range is omitted if the entire work is cited. The author's surname is omitted if it appears in the text. Thus we may say: â€Å"Jones (2001) revolutionized the field of trauma surgery. †¢ Two or three authors are cited using â€Å"and† or â€Å"&†: (Deane, Smith, and Jones, 1991) or (Deane, Smith & Jones, 1991). More than three authors are cited using et al. (Deane et al. 1992). †¢ An unknown date is cited as no date (Deane n. d. ). A reference to a reprint is cited with the original publication date in square brackets (Marx [1867] 1967, p. 90). †¢ If an author published two books in 2005, the year of the first (in the alphabetic order of the references) is cited and referenced as 2005a, the second as 2005b. †¢ A citation is pla ced wherever appropriate in or after the sentence.If it is at the end of a sentence, it is placed before the period, but a citation for an entire block quote immediately follows the period at the end of the block since the citation is not an actual part of the quotation itself. †¢ Complete citations are provided in alphabetical order in a section following the text, usually designated as â€Å"Works cited† or â€Å"References. † The difference between a â€Å"works cited† or â€Å"references† list and a bibliography is that a bibliography may include works not directly cited in the text. †¢ All citations are in the same font as the main text. Examples Examples of book references are: †¢ Smith, J. (2005a).Dutch Citing Practices. The Hague: Holland Research Foundation. †¢ Smith, J. (2005b). Harvard Referencing. London: Jolly Good Publishing. In giving the city of publication, an internationally well-known city (such as London, The Hague, or New York) is referenced as the city alone. If the city is not internationally well known, the country (or state and country if in the U. S. ) are given. An example of a journal reference: †¢ Smith, John Maynard. â€Å"The origin of altruism,† Nature 393, 1998, pp. 639–40. An example of a newspaper reference: †¢ Bowcott, Owen. â€Å"Street Protest†, The Guardian, October 18, 2005, accessed February 7, 2006.

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